The aforementioned plan of internationally administered Common Ground could also include some settlement activity, to the extent that the two parties of the negotiations agree with each other. It would be possible to renovate some or all of the historical ruins as living museums, with a regulated population of Muslim, Jewish and Christian residents. The Old City of Yafo and the Nabatean cities of the Negev could be settled by Palestinian Arabs (primarily refugees from these areas), while an equal number of Jews would be able to settle historical sites in the West Bank. Some other sites, such as Caesarea, would be settled by a mixed population of Jews, Arabs and Christians.

If a more remarkable number of Jews and Arabs wish to live in such settlements outside the main territory of their nation, it would be possible to agree that the settlement activity is more extensive in some cases, including modern housing projects, with Jewish settlements located in the West Bank, and Palestinian settlements of equal size in Israeli territory. But instead of a permanent exchange of territories and security zones, such areas could be placed in the custody of a neutral third party (such as a Vatican-style microstate).

By allowing Palestinian settlements in places such as Yafo, Israel might be able to buy Palestinian acceptance for equally large Jewish settlements in some parts of the West Bank.

The rhetorics and actions of both sides of the conflict should be based on uncompromising respect of who is the legal owner of each territory. Lands that are one’s own legal property can be claimed without negotiations. Lands that are the legal property of someone else can only be humbly requested, asking the price and trying to bargain a deal, knowing that as long as there is no deal, the land legally belongs to the other party.

7. Future of the Judeo–Islamic conflict

The long-term strategy of Israel seems to be simply waiting infinitely, for another thousand years if needed. They have de facto control of the entire historical Palestine, and a secure military position with strong international allies. If a peace treaty were signed one day, Israel expects to lose more than it gains. Acting its obligatory role in the peace process is for Israel a cheap way to buy the political approval of the western countries. Delaying the process is a cheap way to extend illegal possession of Palestinian lands, the longer the better.

Palestinian organisations continue to make exaggerated and legally unfounded claims, which no international court would ever rule in their favour, and which Israel would never accept without a war to the last man. Frustrated by the stalled peace negotiations, Arabs resort to violence. But armed struggle will not bring them any closer to their goals than it has done during the past 60 years. The only chance that Palestinians have is to distance themselves from all violence, remove from their agenda all references to the destruction of Israel, and then present their realistic and strictly legal claims to the international community.